Last week, dozens of coffins draped in Israeli flags were placed in front of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office. They were part of a protest against Israelis advocating military victory instead of the existing ceasefire and hostage agreements.
After some delays, the three-phase ceasefire agreement came into effect last Sunday morning. In the afternoon, the first three female hostages were released in exchange for 90 Palestinians, most of whom were women or minors, and several Palestinian children held in administrative detention in Israeli prisons. Four more female hostages are expected to be released on Saturday.
But the agreement has divided Israelis both for and against.
The Israeli government, particularly Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, had stated throughout the war that a main objective of military operations was to remove Hamas from power in Gaza. On October 7, 2023, the terrorist group carried out a massive terrorist attack on southern Israel, killing about 1,200 people and abducting about 250 more, triggering the war in Gaza.
Now, 15 months later, the deal reached in Doha, where representatives of Qatar, Egypt and both US administrations struck a deal, is raising hopes that at least some of the 97 hostages remaining in Hamas hands may soon return home .
Some Israelis argue that the agreement is a reward for Hamas’ violent tactics.
Opponents of the agreement see it as a capitulation to Hamas and a reward for their violent tactics. According to a survey conducted in January by the Israeli daily Maariv, 19% of Israelis are against the ceasefire agreement with Hamas, which includes the return of hostages still held in Gaza.
One of them is Avi, who cannot be named because he is an active-duty soldier. While Avi says he has sympathies for the hostages and their families, he believes it is far more important to defeat Hamas. “Society accepts victims and injured people more easily than hostages,” he told DW. He added that in his opinion Israeli society needs to debate the price it pays for the hostages’ freedom. Is ready to pay for it.
Ariel is a Tel Aviv lawyer who wishes to remain anonymous. Hey, too, object to the deal. He says, “I think that many of the released prisoners will return to terrorism, which will cause more lives for the Israeli people.” He said such deals encourage terrorist groups to take more hostages as a means to achieve their goals. “Hamas has a murderous ideology, which it will continue to pursue as long as it has the territory to pursue it.”
The majority want to end the war and bring the hostages home
However, according to a poll released by the Israel Democracy Institute in January, a majority of Israelis, about 57.5%, support a comprehensive agreement calling for the release of all hostages in exchange for an end to the war in Gaza.
Some of them can be found at the weekly Saturday night protests in Jerusalem. The atmosphere on the eve of the armistice was serious and a little anxious. There was a feeling that although the agreement was not perfect, there was at least a glimmer of hope that it could bring the hostages home. Eshel has been protesting almost every Saturday night demanding the government release the hostages. “We just have to hope for the best. And that will carry over to the second leg.”
Far-right extremists have threatened to topple the government if it is not restarted
The remaining 64 hostages will be released in the second phase only. But in this phase, the two sides will have to negotiate from the 16th day of the temporary ceasefire, with the aim of negotiating a permanent ceasefire.
Yet, within Israel’s far-right religious Cabinet, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich (Religious Zionism) has already made clear that he will leave the government if the war to eliminate Hamas is not resumed. Itamar Ben Gvir, who until Sunday was national security minister, resigned from his ultra-nationalist Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) party and vowed to return only if the war restarted.
Israeli commentator Nahum Barania wrote in the daily newspaper, “Netanyahu refuses to understand what every single Israeli understands: This deal comes with a price. The price is high. A national leader must accept the price.” And it has to be faced.” Yedioth Ahronoth This week, referring to the Prime Minister’s coalition partners. Supporters of the deal have long accused Netanyahu, who faces corruption charges, of delaying any deal to ensure his political survival and keep his coalition intact.
Netanyahu’s political calculations for those who want the return of hostages are incomprehensible
After the first three hostages reached Israeli territory, Prime Minister Netanyahu issued a statement saying, “The whole country embraces you, welcome home.”
“Netanyahu was embraced by the entire country, but not by the entire government,” Israeli journalist Sima Kadmon wrote a day after the release of the three women. “We know how many months they remained there unnecessarily because of your hesitation, hesitation, procrastination and cowardice, and because you succumbed to the threats made by Ben Gvir, who has since clearly stated how He successfully delayed a mortgage deal for several months for political reasons.”
It is unclear whether Netanyahu’s coalition will fall apart in the second phase of the deal, but it could be the beginning of the end in the long run. If Smotrich leaves the government, opposition parties have offered a safety net to prop up the government for the duration of a phased-in deal. However, after that there may be a need for elections.
For those in favor of the agreement, it is difficult to understand Netanyahu’s political calculations. Michael, who was also at Saturday’s protest, is close to the Horn family, whose two sons, Yair and Etan, are being held hostage. Only one of them is on the list of hostages to be released in the first phase.
“That’s what we’re afraid of. I think this is the next political conflict,” Michael told DW. “We have to protest for them to reach an agreement and bring them all home and respect all agreements. Because if that doesn’t happen, some hostages will be left behind.”
Edited by: John Shelton
