The horrific video made global headlines for the first time three years ago. About six minutes long, the film clip leaked by a former militiaman Wafadar for the Syrian dictator Bashar Assad showed a massacre of 41 men on lease.
He blindfolded, taken to a collective grave, pushed, or forced, where they fell on the corpses of those who were killed in front of them, before shooting them.
The murders filmed in 2013, took place in a suburb of Damascus called Tadamon and the locals suspect that many people could be killed in the same way by Assad rule forces. Thousands of Syrians are still missing after the war ended at the end of 2024.
Before this June, Tadamon genocideAs is known now, what is in the news again. Syrian Committee for Civil Peace – Installed to reduce community divisions after violence on minorities in March – released the dajens of former Assad regime soldiers. Among them, a person called Fadi Sakar, who had previously led the Assad-Vakil on the paramilitary group, known as the national defense forces in Tadaman. He was allegedly responsible for the massacre in the video.
Released in ‘interests of peace and reconciliation’
Syrians who expected justice were told about the release of Saqr and others, and called for protests. Saqr told new York Times He was only appointed to lead paramilitary after the Tadmon massacre, and the committee head for the civil piece described the local media as a decision to free Saqr and others were made in the interests of peace and harmony. The SAQR is clearly trying to convince other Assad rule supporters to return the new Syrian government.
“The possibility of obtaining transitional justice in Syria is likely to take a long time,” They say Ala Bitter, a teacher of Idlib who lost his brother in the jails of Assad rule.
But Releasing the well -known figures with some types of explanation is only to harass the victims and everything else is angry, he told DW.
The dispute has raised further questions about the transitional justice process conducted by the new Syrian government.
In May, the head of the interim government of Syrian, Ahmed al-Shara, set two commissions on two presidents, number 19 and number 20: National Commission for Transitional Justice, or National Commission for the Missing and forcibly, or NCM.
NCTJ came for criticism almost immediately. The language of the decree indicates that the commission will mainly be going after Assad rule colleagues. They are responsible for the wholesale of crimes committed during the Civil War.
, [NCTJ’s] The mandate, as placed in the decree, is disturbed and excludes many victims, “Alice Autin of the International Justice Program of Human Rights Watch Wrote shortly afterAmnesty International and Syrian Rights Group were equally important.
The Syrian human rights activist Mustafa is active and impressive in a lesson in a text in a lesson in a text in a lesson in a lesson in a lesson in a lesson. Justice informationA Swiss-funded media outlet, which specializes in transitional justice issues last week.
Critics noted that crimes were committed on all sides, including extremist “Islamic State” groups and anti-Assad rebel groups. Al-Shara led one of the first thesis, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham.
The Berlin-Base European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights focus on the offenses of Assad regime as a speech, the Syrian lawyer. , Recently written“Other, however, clear discrimination between the victims strongly criticized.”
Transitional Justice Committee: No Trust
Beyond the problem with the objectives of the initial decree, since then there is a disturbing lacquer of transparency and progress, supervisors say.
Mohammad al-Abdllah, director of the Washington-based Syrian Justice and Accountability Center, said, “In my opinion, the transitional justice process is not going well.” “NCTJ is lagging behind. Just compare it to the Missing Persons Commission, which was established by the same government on the same day. It is more public, they started technical discussions and draft a plan to search for the missing.”
Meanwhile, NCTJ is more secret, Al-Abdllah said. “There is no comprehensive plan or understanding about why arrests are happening to non-restless people. Nothing is originally transparent and has very little confidence.”
Of course, the mission to find the missing Syrian is much easier than obtaining transitional justice for the state, their argument.
“Humanitarian nature of this mission [to find the missing]Al-Abdllah said, “Asad’s security agencies are not a major part of the responsibility, there is no test and no headache for the government.” This is a winning position for the subject, while transitional justice is difficult. ,
Of course, no one is saying that the interim government can achieve justice in some time of months or they should arrest everyone, Al-Abdllah continued.
And of course, observers say, Syrian has different views of what justice can be.
“People are not necessarily withdrawn,” on a participant A recent workshop hero by Syrian for Truth & Justice Group in Damascus told. “Some materials and moral compensation want to see execution in public classes.”
But what is happening now can really make things worse.
Vigilance increase in justice
Fellow, a counseling from the Middle East East Program House, wrote for a London -based media outlet, “The slow response to the criminals, in association with the release of persons of serious crimes – is often severely erased – without testing or clarification – without testing or clarification.” Al Majalla finals week“In the void left by these failures, many people have gymnastics in their way of justice.”
Haid saw a wave of murders in the south-western city of Dara as a “a form of score for a score for a long time” settled with bullets instead of the fixed process.
In May, Syrian network for human rights 157 extraordinary murders were documented in Syria and experts suggest that about 70% of them are some types of vigilance justice or the result of targeted murder. Often, former Assad rule supporters are included.
Al-Abdllah says that he has heard that the government may soon conduct three or four major tests, after which more attention will be paid to national peace.
“It is also clearly important,” he argues. “But to create peace in confrontation with justice, this is a fake option.”
Syrian lawyers have already argued that decisions about people like Fadi Sakra made by the committee for civil peace infection on the jurisdiction of NCTJ.
“We want justice and peace, and we can both,” says Al-Abdllah. “If you do not have some elements of justice, you will not have a permanent peck. But the government is not ready to accept it.”
Edited by: Carla Blekar
