It’s surprising who doesn’t want to be part of Burkina Faso’s Popular Progressive Revolution (RPP): the people.
The revolution had been proclaimed a year earlier by Ibrahim Traoré’s military junta, with the aim of restoring the legacy of famed Burkinabé leader Thomas Sankara (1983–87), improving the precarious security situation, and increasing state revenues, for example through gold and oil.
In early April this year, Traoré made clear how he sees the role of the Burkinabé people.
“People should forget about democracy,” he said on state broadcaster RTB. “If an African wants to tell you about democracy, you should run away. Democracy kills.”
The leader of the September 2022 coup said his focus is on reestablishing the state and the revolution.
Between military dictatorship and “war CEO”
When Traoré came to power, he promised a return to civilian rule within two years. The following year, he linked the elections to the improved security situation; The following year, his mandate – never given by the people – was extended for five years. In January 2026, Traoré dissolved all political parties.
The so-called Charter of the RPP is now in effect as the country’s new transitional constitution.
According to political scientist Paul Amégkpo of the Togolese Institut Tambarma pour la Governance, the charter has dealt a serious blow to the Burkinabé’s right to self-determination.
“It is a fundamental right that the people control the public institutions that decide their destiny. This includes the right to choose their representatives both at the executive level and in the National Assembly,” Emegakpo told DW.
In his view the country is moving towards military dictatorship.
Cheta Nwanze, managing director of Nigerian security consultancy SBM Intelligence, recalls that democracies across the Sahel failed spectacularly to protect their citizens.
“Without praising the coup plotters: in West Africa they have filled the void left by disgraced governments. This is where people like Traoré come in handy: they offer action where democracy offers only committee meetings and accountability mechanisms. One could see this as efficient authoritarianism replacing inefficient democracy,” Nwanze told DW.
Traoré rules in the style of a “war CEO” who prioritizes recapturing territory over political processes.
a lot of praise, a little criticism
The charismatic captain is being praised on social media – although, given the restricted freedom of expression, it is unclear how many disgruntled people are remaining silent.
A Fact check by news agency AFP 2025 concluded that the exaggerated praise and Traoré memes originated at least in part from well-planned manipulation campaigns, such as those regularly coming from Russia.
At the time of the coup, Traoré was 34 – younger than any other head of state in the world. A frustrated Generation Z repeatedly puts him on the same level as Shankar.
Nwanze, a security expert, believes that a head of state who speaks in bold words and presents himself as a fighter is a powerful symbol that many aspire to.
“The glorification on social media is a cry for help and an admission that the region’s former leaders have failed.”
But in Nwanze’s view, Traore’s popularity is closely linked to the security question. “If jihadist attacks increase again, the same social media could turn against them.”
Less terrorist victims in Burkina Faso
Instead of foreign troops, the junta relies on the Volunteers for the Defense of the Fatherland (VDP) corps, expanded by more than 50,000 recruits under Traoré.
Initial conditions are extremely difficult: according to estimates, the army controls only 20 to 30% of the territory.
Large parts of the country are in the hands of terrorists, particularly the al-Qaeda affiliate Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimeen (JNIM). global terrorism index 2026 Now Burkina Faso is second only to Pakistan and there has been a significant decline in the number of victims.
However, according to the report, 846 people were still killed by terrorists in Burkina Faso in 2025; This represents 15% of global victims. Experts consulted for the report give little credence to the junta’s claim that it has taken back territory from JNIM.
Migrants want to bring democracy back to the Sahel
Traore remains firmly in power, while democracy in Burkina Faso is going through difficult times – similar to the situation in Mali and Niger.
Parts of the diaspora in the three states of the Sahel region want to increase pressure on the military regime from abroad and have recently founded a new “Alliance of Democrats of the Sahel” (ADS).
Its name is similar to that of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), which was established by the junta after its withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
“We are waging a peaceful but determined struggle for the return of democracy,” newly elected ADS president Mayra Jibrin told DW. “We will use diplomatic channels to pressure the military junta to release political prisoners and hold elections.”
However, all experts interviewed by DW agree on one point: From abroad, ADS may have difficulty significantly influencing situations in the Sahel states.
“The key to change in the Sahel is not in exile, but in internal dynamics, military or population pressure,” said analyst Daoud Emile Ouedraogo, who himself coordinates an NGO in the United States.
“You cannot threaten these regimes with press releases from Brussels, Paris or elsewhere,” says Nwanze, a security adviser.
“Such exile groups only have influence over Western powers – and this immediately puts them in conflict with the populations they seek to reach.”
There is silence abroad
This argument is probably being considered in Europe as well. Burkina Faso’s former colonial power France had relied particularly on democratic governments in the Sahel that have since been ousted.
When the junta broke all ties and geopolitically oriented itself toward Russia, there was no clear reaction for a long time.
Reconciliation efforts are clearly underway behind the scenes to re-establish some degree of influence among the ASEAN states.
When João Cravinho, the EU Special Representative for the Sahel, visited Burkina Faso in February, Cravinho did not say a word about the content of the “very useful and open meetings” he held afterwards.
And even after Traoré’s comments about democracy, there was a notable silence. Relevant EU institutions, European governments, the United Nations and major NGOs did not comment.
DW learned from Germany’s Foreign Office that important developments are addressed through diplomatic channels: “In doing so, we are also cooperating out of well-understood self-interest. Europe neither wants to nor can afford to abandon the region to geopolitical influences that are contrary to its interests, or simply to its own devices.”
In other words: one prefers to avoid publicly refuting undemocratic statements that may cause more harm than good in the long term.
Eric Topona and Georges Ibrahim Tounkara contributed to this article.
This article was originally published in German.