That was the evening of 15 July 2016. A hot summer day was coming to an end. Many people were spending their Friday evenings with friends or family in anticipation of the weekend. There was nothing to suggest that Türkiye was about to change fundamentally.
Then, just a few hours later, tanks were rolling through the streets. Fighter planes flying over Ankara and Istanbul. Soldiers are blocking the Bosphorus Bridge, a link between Europe and Asia. The Parliament in Ankara came under fire. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, via a video call broadcast, called on the public to take to the streets and stop the coup.
The coup attempt failed that same night, but its political consequences are still affecting the country today.
July 15, now a national holiday
The Turkish government blamed the Gülen movement for the coup attempt. Its founder, Muslim cleric Fethullah Gulen, was once considered a close ally of Erdogan. Together, they played a key role in curbing the political influence of the Turkish military and expanding Erdogan’s power. Later the alliance broke.
As of 2016, Gülen had been living in exile in the United States for years. The government accused Gulen of infiltrating the judiciary, police, military and other state institutions with followers for decades in an effort to weaken the state. Gülen and his followers denied any involvement in the coup. Several high-ranking military officers with alleged links to Gülen were arrested. Gülen died in 2024 in the United States at the age of 83.
July 15 is now a national holiday in Türkiye. The former Bosphorus Bridge was renamed “Bridge of the Martyrs of July 15”. It commemorates those who lost their lives that night. According to official figures, 253 people were killed, most of whom were civilians. Many streets, squares and schools are also named “15 July”.
However, the anniversary is not just about reminding the victims. It also marks a deep political turn. The Gülen movement was designated a terrorist organization, and its alleged supporters were largely purged from the state apparatus.
Six days after the coup, parliament approved a state of emergency. It was initially limited to three months, but was extended seven times and did not expire until July 19, 2018. During those two years, the President ruled largely by emergency decrees, issuing a total of 32 decrees.
The consequences of these political cleansings have been huge. More than 125,000 members of the civil service and armed forces were dismissed. According to official figures, about 390,000 people were detained or arrested between 2016 and 2025 on suspicion of links to the Gülen movement. About 113,000 were held in pre-trial detention. Additionally, 2,761 institutions – including schools, associations, foundations and media outlets – were closed. 4,130 people were sentenced to life imprisonment or aggravated life imprisonment for alleged involvement in the coup.
Türkiye’s ‘highly centralized structure’
Political scientist Ersin Kalaycioglu says the effects of the emergency continue to this day. Although it was formally withdrawn in 2018, he noted that its practices “have become institutionalized to some extent.” There has been a permanent change in the state. In particular, the frequent use of decrees has led to a “highly centralized structure,” he told DW.
There has also been a fundamental change in public administration. According to Kalacioglu, bureaucracy has evolved from a mechanism with its own professional standards and scientific expertise into an administration that primarily implements political directives.
Opposition parties accused the government of expanding the purge far beyond the Gülen movement. In addition to alleged Gülen supporters, government critics were also hit with dismissals and criminal proceedings.
Politically, the coup attempt also hastened the rapprochement between Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the ultra-nationalist Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). With their support, the government was able to push forward a constitutional referendum in 2017. Result: Türkiye shifted from a parliamentary to a presidential system. The office of Prime Minister was abolished, and the executive powers of the President were greatly expanded. Critics have since called it a “one-man system”.
Kalaycioglu describes the constitutional amendment as a fundamental regime change. He argues that the political system has evolved into a form of “neopatrimonial Sultanism”, a term that refers to a form of government in which political power is concentrated in the hands of a single person and major decisions are largely dependent on the president.
The presidential system also changed the opposition. With absolute majority required for the presidency, opposition parties started forming electoral alliances and fielding joint candidates. This strategy was successful: in local elections in 2019 – and again in 2024 – the opposition party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), won the mayoral races in the country’s two largest cities, Istanbul and Ankara.
However, many of these opposition politicians are now under investigation or facing terrorism-related charges. Among the most famous cases is that of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu, who is considered Erdogan’s main political rival and faces criminal prosecution following his re-election victory.
This article was originally published in German.