“Only Truth and Justice” – Thesis demanded that the student presented the Serbian officials eight months ago, in which 16 people were killed in view of the decline of the canopy at the entrance of Novi Sad railway station on 1 November.
United “you have found blood on your hands under slogan,” he rejected leaders, ideologies and parties equally, demanding the death of those killed in the tragedy only.
Tatzana Rasik, a student of Novi Sad, says, “We had a minimum ideological consent, around which we were united.”
“We were not asked to express views on other issues, and we followed general democratic principles – unity, tolerance, justice,” he told DW.
Change within the movement
From Word Go, the flags of Serbia and Universities were welcomed only in students’ protests. This was trying to return the symbols of the state to the citizens, rather than let them become the equipment of politics.
But as the protest movement increased, the Sun also did ideological diversity within it.
“We will not give to Kosovo,” began to pop up in protests with growing frequency affecting slogans such as traditional Serbian caps and nationalist symbols. At the same time, veterans of the 1990s Yugoslav wars used to come for demonstrations and served as “security guards” for students.
A platform for Serbian nationalism?
There was a growing criticism that Greater Serbian in protests was gymnastics in a platform for nationalism.
The criticism was at its peak on 28 June – Widowdan, a national and religious holiday that is inherent in the Serbian national mythology. On that day, the major government protests dominated the nationalist and orthodox speeches, including a single one by Professor Milo Lompar, known for the glory of war criminal Redovan Kardazik.
Cultural analyst Alexandra Zurik Bosnik told DW that such criticism not only comes from the resistance of the devastating heritage of the 1990s, marked by bloody ugoslav wars and misuse of pseudo-patriarchy in Serbia, but with fear that Serbia may come back to the clown.
“For those of us who belonged to the generations from the 1990s that were the memory of the Widowdening speech of Slobodon Miloswik in Gazemeston. [in 1989] Painful in itself, “Djuric Bosnic says.
“When added to it, on 28 June, the speech was reminiscent of the manipulation of national spirit in the 1990s, as well as an integrated Serbia and Serbian world statements – a construction of the current regime – the culmination of the thesis criticism is understood,” says Shahe.
Planery wish
Responding to the allegations that the student movement had turned to the right, the student says that before every protest, they motivated the participants to come up with party or ideological symbols, but tension that is impossible to control the crowd.
“In addition, people start seizing us literally as a political movement and hope to take us to ideological spectrum. But within our organization, it is very difficult – Beckus listed each to discuss this in the plane assembly, and in the end, we never sure why America has been demanded,” Tatajana is called.
This is why the planery assembly often lasts for hours, highlighting deep ideological changes among the students – especially on questions of “national importance” discovery as Kosovo’s freedom or Sripranica massacre of 1995.
“How difficult it is for me to believe that some faced a different approach to me, but still part of the same conflict, we had to accept it. It became clear that many people are actually different opinions,” says Rasik.
Change
But despite all this, the student movement has apparently had a significant impact on the attitude of young people.
The National Youth Council of Serbia (KOMS) conducts research in the point of view of young people. For years, it referred to political apathy among young people, his inclination towards tradition and his priority for “strong hand” in governance.
However, the initial 2025 data from the KOMS discovers an important national question in the form of changes in the ideas of young people on the European Union and Kosovo.
Milika Borzanik of Coms told DW, “The biggest changes brought by the student movement are the way democracy and are related to Emerstu. Today, 60% of the youth believe that democracy is the best form of governance, compared to 40% last year.”
Says Borzanik, “Earlier, about 60% of the youth said that Serbia needs a strong leader, but now, for the first time, more than 50% says it pays attention.”
The strength of the inclusion movement is
Political scientist Booban Stezovic, who has been involved in Coms Research over the years, believes that those who want students to make ideological announcements are working in bad beliefs.
“At this time the only real social division is between the government – characteristic of freedom, corruption, national betrayal and lack of complete inequality – and a new student or political movement whose value is a fight against freedom, justice, tolerance, corruption of national interests,” Says “Stojanovic.
He believes that the greatest strength of the movement is fine in its inclusion. However, he believes that without unity, the current regime cannot be defeated.
“The government knows this and is trying to sow the partition in the student movement on issues like the European Union, Kosovo and, of course, he tried to exploit [the 30th anniversary of] Srebrenica perfectly, “Stojanovic said.
Re -define values
Alexandra Djuric Bosnic says that this fundamental change is impossible for value orientation while localism captures autocracies.
She says, “The right time to redefine the price system will come only when Serbia again becomes a democratic and legitimate state,” she says.
“Some red lines – if we really want Serbia to become a country of independent and distinguished citizens – it should never be crossed in that new and free state,” Djuric Bosnic. He said, “There should be no amendment of history, no minimalization of crimes committed by Milosevik’s rule during the 1990s war, there is no absence of war criminals in the name of Serbian citizens, nor interference in the political processes of neighboring countries. These are fundamental moral principles,” he said.
What students want
The students’ subjects would be happy if the focus returns to the issue that Init brought them together: justice for those who died at Novi Sad railway station last November.
Tatjana Rasik is clear about what students want to achieve: “We want a state that works properly, with laws and separation of the Power Principal,” she says.
Rasic is convinced because despite the differences of opinion, the students are united: “I think even if I imagine an ideal parliament, it will not be at all to have a different attitude for it and I think our opposition has been going on for a long time, because despite our differences, we always return to the original where we start,” he says. “
Edited by: Angle Flangon
