Kenya’s anti-riot police were deployed in full force in the capital Nairobi on Thursday, two years after Gen Z protesters breached the grounds of Kenya’s Parliament during demonstrations against the Finance Bill 2024.
For many young Kenyans, June 25 is no longer just a date of protest; It has become a symbol of resistance against police brutality, economic hardship, and what activists see as a growing gap between leaders and citizens. Many young Kenyans say fundamentally little has changed. Concerns about youth unemployment, rising costs of living and governance continue to resonate among the same generation that first mobilized online and took to the streets.
“June 25 is a reminder of what this regime is all about,” Faith Njeri, a university student in Nairobi, told DW. “This is a reminder of when you lost your legitimacy before the people of Kenya simply because you said no to the Finance Bill.”
Others stressed the importance of commemoration. “Thursday is our biggest day that’s going to happen,” said youth worker Brian Otieno. “Celebrate the lives of those comrades who were killed… We are coming with flowers. So your government should be ready to provide us security.”
Digital activism is playing an important role in the Gen Z-led protests. Mercy Wanjiru said, “Kenyans have decided that we are all replacing our profile pictures with Rex and the other heroes that we have lost… We have lost them all because of police brutality.” “You can’t kill us and lead us.”
For some, remembrance is also about restoring names that are at risk of being forgotten. “We are in those dark months… Rex Masai, Denzel Omondi, Eric Chienyi, David Chege, Ericson Mutisya… and many more who disappeared,” businessman Kevin Mwangi told DW. at least 60 deaths were recorded During the protests, according to the government-ordered Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR). rex masaiThe 29-year-old activist was the first victim of the June 2024 anti-Finance Bill protests.
Beyond personalities and political affiliations
Unlike earlier protest waves in Kenya, which often revolved around political parties or established civil society actors, the anti-finance bill protests were clearly decentralised. Large-scale organizing took place online, through social media platforms and loosely connected local networks.
Beatrice Waithera, national leader of the Red Vest Movement, told DW that the approach was partly a response to increased scrutiny of public gatherings. “We had to organize ourselves carefully in such a way that [President William] Ruto had to come to a place on X, formerly Twitter, to try to talk to us, Waithera said.
Digital spaces became coordination centers, connecting young people across the country. The protests attracted students, young professionals, gig workers and first-time protesters – one of the most spontaneous youth mobilizations in Kenya’s recent history.
“This is where Gen Z and the first faction of the youth movement started,” he said.
Questions remain about the leadership of the movement, with some political figures attempting to link the protests to opposition actors or well-known activists. But participants often reject those narratives. “What happened in 2024, what happened in 2025, it was bigger than life, bigger than Boniface Mwangi, bigger than me,” Waithera said.
While acknowledging that experienced activists laid the groundwork for civic participation, he emphasized that protests increasingly transcended any single individual. “We were brave enough to take over Parliament and we did it without the presence of Boniface Mwangi,” he said.
The absence of centralized leadership became a defining feature – and, for many, a strategic advantage. Without a single leading figure, the movement proved difficult to contain or suppress, even as the authorities tried to rein it in.
Activists agree that June 2024 has changed the relationship young Kenyans have with authority. Even with reports of arrests, threats, and alleged kidnappings, participation did not diminish. “The fear is gone,” Wethera said, acknowledging that the risks forced constant adaptation. “So the fear is gone. But we have to go back and invent new ways.” Today, the movement operates both online and offline, and increasingly mobilizes on issues beyond taxation, including governance, police accountability, and economic reforms.
justice still unresolved
As a youth led movement remember 25th juneDemands for accountability remain unresolved. Human rights groups and victims’ families have repeatedly called for an investigation into alleged excessive force during the protests. “The courts are indifferent to our issues,” Waithera said. “The judiciary has been captured, the executive has been captured, and the National Police Service has been captured.”
President Ruto recently promised compensation to the families of those killed during the protests, but did not apologize. Only compensation offers little solace to the families. “There is no greater compensation than this. There is no amount of money that can compensate for the lives we have lost.”
Waithera explains that relatives are still seeking justice through the courts. “I see Mama Rex going to courts all the time,” she said. He argues that Kenya needs a broader reckoning – a national conversation similar to post-conflict healing. “What happens is it starts a national conversation, for a nation to heal after the war… and also, why did it do that [Ruto] “No national apology issued?”
The future of the movement remains uncertain. But there is no denying how its energy has reshaped how many young Kenyans engage with politics, shifting from passive observation to active participation. “We are suffering,” Wethera said.
He suggests that expressions of frustration are likely to extend beyond the streets. “But how angry are we? We are angry and we are going to vote with it,” he said, pointing to Kenya’s 2027 general election.
“What happened in 2024, what happened in 2025, it was larger than life,” Waithera said. For many, the protests are no longer just history; They are unfinished business.
Edited by: Crispin Mavakideau